Transaction Search Form: please type in any of the fields below.
Date: April 29, 2024 Mon
Time: 11:02 pm
Time: 11:02 pm
Results for bias-motivated crimes
35 results foundAuthor: Githens-Mazer, Jonathan Title: Islamophobia and Anti-Muslim Hate Crime: A London Case Study Summary: The perils of Islamophobia and anti-Muslim hate crime threaten to undermine basic human rights, fundamental aspects of citizenship and co-existing partnerships for Muslims and non-Muslims alike in contemporary Europe. Routine portrayals of Islam as a religion of hatred, violence and inherent intolerance have become key planks for the emergence of extremist nationalist, anti-immigration politics in Europe - planks which seek to exploit populist fears and which have the potential to lead to Muslim disempowerment in Europe. Sections of the media have created a situation where the one serves to heighten the unfounded claims and anxieties of the other - such that politicians from Austria to the Britain, and the Netherlands to Spain, feel comfortable in using terms like "Tsunamis of Muslim immigration", and accuse Islam of being a fundamental threat to a "European way of life". While in many cases, the traction of this populist approach reflects an ignorance of Islamic faith, practice and belief, there are many think-tanks which are currently engaged in promoting erroneous depictions of Islam and Muslim political beliefs through unsubstantiated and academically baseless studies, and a reliance on techniques such as 'junk-polling'. Prior to researching Islamophobia and anti-Muslim hate crime in London, we worked with Muslim Londoners to research the contested notion of what is widely termed by academics and policy makers as "violent radicalisation" (Githens-Mazer, 2010, Lambert 2010). To a large extent it was that prior research experience that persuaded us to embark on this new project. That is to say, there is an important link between the two areas of work which we should explain at the outset. Since 9/11 Muslim Londoners, no less than Muslims in towns and cities across Europe, have often been unfairly stigmatised as subversive threats to state security and social cohesion, sometimes characterised as a fifth column (Cox and Marks 2006, Gove 2006, Mayer and Frampton 2009). We do not suggest that this stigmatisation did not exist before 9/11, still less do we argue that it revolves solely around the issues of security and social cohesion, but we do claim that the response to 9/11 - 'the war on terror' - and much of the rhetoric that has surrounded it has played a significant part in increasing the public perception of European Muslims as potential enemies rather than potential partners and neighbours. From our perspectives and experience, both academic and practitioner, the rise of Islamophobia and anti-Muslim hate crime is morally abhorrent and needs to be countered. Muslim communities in the UK and Europe have important contributions to make to the local communities and broader societies in which they live. Yet to date, these communities, and Islam more broadly, are often the subject of misunderstanding and vilification. Whereas Islamic legal and political traditions have, at key points, inspired and informed Western political and intellectual traditions, and Muslims in Europe have historically made, and especially today continue to make, important contributions at every level of British and European society, portrayals of their religion and identity still often seem to focus on terrorism, intolerance, and issues such as the veil. While such portrayals are unjust and empirically untrue, they still appear to academically, politically and popularly inform perceptions of Islam in Britain and Europe. This insidious phenomenon runs the very real risk of driving deep divisions through European societies, and of alienating friends, neighbours and political partners. Islamophobia and Anti-Muslim Hate Crime: a London case study represents an initial and introductory first report for the newly formed European Muslim Research Centre (EMRC). Initial and introductory because this is a long-term ongoing project, and what follows here is only the tip of the iceberg. We are particularly pleased to be presenting the report at the London Muslim Centre (LMC) in Whitechapel on 28 January 2010. In important respects both the venue and location are symbolic. At the end of the nineteenth century and again in the twentieth century Whitechapel has been at the hub of resistance to anti-Semitic and anti-racist violence (Catterral, 1994; Malek 2006). Most famously in the 1930s in opposition to Oswald Mosley's fascist Blackshirts (Dorril, 2007), and again in the 1970s and 1980s in opposition to the National Front (NF), Londoners united in Whitechapel to defeat the sectarian street violence that invariably accompanies fascist, neo-Nazi politics (Hann and Tilsey 2003). After analysing our research findings we anticipate that Londoners will once again need to unite in Whitechapel against a violent, sectarian threat during the next decade. Islamophobia and Anti-Muslim Hate Crime: a London case study is therefore our first contribution to what we anticipate will again be a successful long-term grass roots campaign against the politics of hate. The extremist nationalist politics that once targeted Jews and Asians in East London is now unambiguously aimed at Muslims (BNP 2006, 2009). Suffice to say Whitechapel is now home to many poor Muslim families in the way that it once was home to poor Jewish families. LMC is at the hub of numerous good citizenship initiatives in Whitechapel and surrounding areas and serves local Muslims and other local citizens well (Jameson 2009, Green and Silver 2009). The LMC itself binds together different sections of London Muslim communities, and stands as a key site of social, cultural and political organisation - an Islamically inspired form of political organisation which is occasionally portrayed as a threat by key commentators and policy makers. Not only does our research challenge this kind of analysis of Islamically inspired political organisation, it suggests that Muslim Londoners and their neighbours and allies will need to overcome mainstream as well as extremist bigotry before they can claim any kind of success. This is why we have set aside the next ten years to monitor and facilitate progress. For us, the method to counter Islamophobia and anti-Muslim hate crime is clear: education. By creating an unimpeachable body of academic work, and by creating mechanisms to empower Muslim communities to put forward their positions � now and in the future, we hope to help dispel the ignorance that has thus far fuelled the populist appeal of Islamophobia and the hate crimes it spawns, and challenge those individuals and organisations that seek to pursue agendas that demonise and alienate European Muslims. At its most basic, the European Muslim Research Centre (EMRC) will seek to engage these kinds of falsehoods, and seek to explore, teach and examine the nuances of Muslim contributions in the European context. As an interdisciplinary centre, such a focus will mean contributing to debates about the role of Muslims and Islam from the perspectives of politics, history, law, business studies/economics, sociology, anthropology, literature, English, cultural studies, theology and the sciences. In this way, we hope to take academically sound research and introduce it as a corrective to the current debates over the role of Muslims in contemporary European society. Finally, we have contributed in recent years to what has become a dense and over-populated field of study: radicalisation, counterradicalisation and de-radicalisation. Nearly 100% of this crossdisciplinary study is focused on Muslims and it has the tendency, both intentionally and unwittingly, to problematise Muslims and their faith. It is our hope that this report will encourage scholars to return to a wider view of the problem of political violence - one in which the 'radicalisation' of convicted members of a violent extremist nationalist milieu such as ex-British soldier Terence Gavan receive as much detailed scholarly attention as convicted British Muslims who lacked Gavan's sophisticated bomb making skills. Details: Exeter, UK: University of Exeter, European Muslim Research Centre, 2010. 61p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 14, 2018 at: https://lemosandcrane.co.uk/resources/Islamophobia_and_Anti-Muslim_Hate_Crime.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://lemosandcrane.co.uk/resources/Islamophobia_and_Anti-Muslim_Hate_Crime.pdf Shelf Number: 117759 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesHate CrimesHuman Rights AbusesIslamophobiaMuslimsRadicalization |
Author: Matas, David Title: Bloody Harvest: Revised Report into Allegations of Organ Harvesting of Falun Gong Practitioners in China Summary: It is alleged that Falun Gong practitioners are victims of live organ harvesting throughout China. This report presents the findings of an investigation into these allegations. Details: Unpublished: 2007. 237p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2007 Country: China URL: Shelf Number: 118747 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesHate Crimes (Burma)Human RightsMinority GroupsMuslimsTrafficking in Human OrgansViolent Crimes |
Author: National Coalition for the Homeless Title: Hate Crimes Against The Homeless: America’s Growing Tide of Violence Summary: Hate Crimes Against the Homeless: America’s Growing Tide of Violence is a shocking report on the growth of biased motivated crimes of hate against America’s homeless. The National Coalition for the Homeless’ report marks the beginning of its second decade tracking, interviewing and classifying thousands of individuals impacted by hate crimes against the homeless. This years’ report has the horrifying distinction of being the deadliest in a decade, at forty-three reported homicides. The research contained in this report chronicles more than a thousand separate attacks across the United States, representing a fraction of the total hate crimes that remain drastically underreported. Individuals who commit homeless hate crimes are motivated primarily by a bias that another individual is or may be homeless. Perpetrators often give account to feelings of hostility and animosity, towards the visibly homeless, so strong they demand action. While others describe a generalized hatred, passed down from one generation to the next, resulting in a growing wave of violence across America. Documented hate crimes in this report involve: dosing with gasoline and setting aflame; rape in exchange for shelter; spay painting and stomping upon while sleeping; and, repeated incidence of gang initiations involving stabbings and beatings. Un-housed individuals, as a target of hate, have consistently grown over the past decade. This year’s report draws an especially gruesome and disturbing trend in the frequency and manner of the offenses. Violent, often fatal, attacks on homeless Americans now outnumber all other categories of hate crimes combined. Details: Washington, DC: National Coalition for the Homeless, 2010. 87p. Source: Internet Resource: accessed April 18, 2011 at: http://www.housingworks.org/i/blog/NCH_Hate_Crimes_Against_the_Homeless_Report_2010.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.housingworks.org/i/blog/NCH_Hate_Crimes_Against_the_Homeless_Report_2010.pdf Shelf Number: 121374 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesHate CrimesHomelessnessViolent Crime |
Author: European Roma Rights Centre Title: Imperfect Justice: Anti-Roma Violence and Impunity Summary: In the present study the ERRC monitored the State response in 44 of the most violent anti-Roma attacks reported to police in the Czech Republic (14 cases), Hungary (22 cases) and Slovakia (8 cases). The individual cases presented in this study were defined on the basis of initial reporting on an incident by media and NGO sources. During ERRC follow-up with police, prosecutors and courts, information indicating multiple perpetrators or in some cases even possibly multiple incidents came to light. This information is included in the description of individual case follow-up to the extent possible. In the first phase available information about cases was collected, mostly from media and NGO partners. In the second phase, the ERRC sent a series of requests for information to responsible police departments, prosecutors and courts. The ERRC sought anonymised information related to the status and results of the police investigation, charges brought, sanction of perpetrators and the treatment of racial motive in the investigation and prosecution of the acts. The ERRC attempted to update all cases as this report was being finalised but there may be recent developments not reported in some. The information presented in this study represents the results of the investigation and prosecution of crimes against Roma: it does not aim to assess the quality of these actions as such. A number of shortcomings in the State response to violence against Roma are apparent. Details: Budapest, Hungary: European Roma Rights Centre, 2011. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 26, 2011 at: http://www.errc.org/cms/upload/file/czech-hungary-slovakia-imperfect-justice-06-march-2011.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Europe URL: http://www.errc.org/cms/upload/file/czech-hungary-slovakia-imperfect-justice-06-march-2011.pdf Shelf Number: 121503 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesGypsiesHate CrimesMinority GroupsRacial Discrimination |
Author: von Holdt, Karl Title: The Smoke That Calls: Insurgent citizenship, collective violence and the struggle for a place in the new South Africa. Eight case studies of community protest and xenophobic violence Summary: There are several innovations to the research projects captured in this report. Firstly, it consists of studies of both xenophobic violence and community protests, drawing the links both empirically as one of collective action spawns or mutates into another, and theoretically through the concept of insurgent citizenship (Holston, 2008). Secondly, the research was conceived of, and conducted, through a collaboration between an NGO, The Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR) and an academic research institute, the Society Work and Development Institute (SWOP) at University of the Witwatersrand. This brought together scholars and practitioners, psychologists and sociologists, in a challenging and productive partnership to try to understand collective violence and its underlying social dynamics. Thirdly, it combines an attempt to probe and understand the repertoires and meanings of collective violence with a wide-ranging analysis of local associational life, local politics and class formation. The origins of this research lay in the appalling violence of the wave of xenophobic attacks which swept across the country in May 2008, and the response of both organisations to this. CSVR was rapidly drawn into coordinating the relief work of NGOs across Gauteng, while in SWOP there was a sense that this violence connected to current research on strike violence and social precariousness. For both of our organisations, it seemed increasingly important to look at this outbreak of violence with a fresh eye for ways in which it challenged our understanding of the depths of anger, fragmentation, exclusion and violence in our society and, more specifically, the intervention practices which still drew much of their inspiration from the negotiated transition to democracy in South Africa. Ready assumptions about violence as pathological or criminal, about ‘lost generations’, about ‘community organisations’ and ‘civil society’, conflict mediation and educational workshops, needed to be tested with empirical research and new theoretical perspectives. While we were developing the research proposals and beginning discussions with potential funders, a new wave of conflict swept across the country, with the epicentre—as in the xenophobic violence—in Gauteng. The community protests against poor service delivery, corruption and the lack of consultation with communities by government often flared into violence between protesters and police, and not infrequently involved episodes of xenophobic violence as well. The research project was re-conceptualised to explore the differences and linkages between these different forms of collective action and violence and, with funding secured, researchers were in the field in late 2009. Our research methodology was designed to achieve the benefits both of in-depth qualitative research to explore the meanings, relationships and contestations within a specific research site, and the insights of comparative perspectives across research sites. The small team of researchers researched a diverse selection of eight different sites in two provinces over the following year, with each researcher being involved in at least two research sites, so that all researchers were fully alive to the comparative dimension of the research. A combination of key informant and snowballing selection was used to identify interviewees, and researchers also employed participant observation, attending meetings, rallies and parties, as well as hanging out in taverns and homes. Jacob Dlamini’s influence on our research strategies requires particular mention, as he used his sharply honed newshound skills to conduct impromptu interviews and informal focus groups on street corners, in taxis and taverns, and at community water points. Other researchers learned from this, and applied similar research tactics in their sites. Caroline Moser’s ‘community mapping’ research strategy helped us to think through the implications of this (Moser & McIlwain, 2004). We have committed ourselves to maintaining the confidentiality of informants, given the sensitive and controversial nature of the information they provided us, which could expose them to considerable danger from local elites and rivals. Hence, we have attempted to conceal not only individual identities, but also the identity of research sites. We trust that readers will bear with this sometimes cumbersome requirement. The overall comparative analysis, as well as the insights of the more detailed site case studies, is explored in the body of this report. Here, we would like to draw attention only to four key observations that strike us when we consider the report as a whole. The first is the critical role played by the police in collective violence—a peculiar combination of absence and unnecessary and provocative violence. Regarding their absence, the initial role of the police in our studies of xenophobic violence—as in studies by others—was the lack of a serious effort on their part to prevent attacks or protect foreign nationals in the early stages of violence. They seemed only to move into action after the first fury of mob attacks, and then only in tandem with local organisations such as ANC branches or CPFs. A similar absence is registered in, at least, one of the community protest episodes, when the local police told councillors whose houses were attacked and destroyed that it was not their job to protect them. On the other hand, our studies of community protests show that police actions escalated confrontation and tension which rapidly took the form of running street battles between protesters and police officers. There was widespread condemnation in communities of provocative violence against crowds of protesters on the part of police. Even more troubling were the incidents of random assault and allegations of torture against suspected protest leaders and their families in some of the communities—reports and allegations that have been repeated in more recent protests, such as those at Ermelo and Ficksburg where protest leader Andries Tatane died at the hands of the police. The police are, therefore, critically important protagonists in collective violence, both when they are absent from scenes of mass violence, and when they themselves engage in collective violence against protesting communities. Second, the counterpart to the police as protagonists is the role of the youth, mostly young men but including young women, in collective violence, both in spearheading xenophobic attacks as well as engaging in battles with the police and destroying public property during community protests. This is not a new observation, but it is nonetheless an important one. Many of those who participate in the violence are unemployed, live in poverty, and see no prospect of a change in these circumstances. Theirs, they feel, is a half-life, as they are unable to participate as full citizens in the economy and society. Impoverished young men, in particular, experience this as the undermining of their masculinity as they are unable to establish families. Protest provides them with an opportunity to exert their masculinity through violence and to experience themselves as representing the community and fighting on its behalf. Unless widescale strategies for social and economic inclusion address this issue, social fragmentation and violence is likely to continue. A third observation concerns the interface between sociology and psychology. In many ways these two disciplines are difficult to bring together because of the contrasting questions they ask and their divergent narratives. However, concepts of ‘collective trauma’ explored in the chapter by Nomfundo Mogapi seem to provide a way of addressing this disjunction and finding common ground. This is a new field—certainly to us—and holds out promise for future research and analysis that enables us to explore this interface at a deeper level. Finally, we want to draw attention to the significance of the Bokfontein study. While most of the studies focus their attention on the ugliest dimensions of local politics and the competition for resources, Bokfontein provides a reminder of what is possible in South Africa. The Community Work Programme (CWP) enabled a very traumatised and marginalised community to address both the collective trauma and its supporting narratives, and imagine a different future for themselves and at the same time provided avenues for young people to focus their energies on participating in a collective effort to transform their communities. One of the results was the end of intra-community violence and the deliberate rejection of xenophobic violence—achieved, it must be said, without any police action at all. After the immersion in the perversity and desperation of much human endeavour in our society, it was profoundly inspiring for our research team to encounter this place of hope with its combination of visionary and practical agency. Truly, the nations will be amazed! Details: Johannesburg, S. Africa; Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation; Wits, S. Africa; Society, Work and Development Institute, Uniersity of the Witwatersrand, 2011. 142p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 17, 2011 at: http://www.csvr.org.za/docs/thesmokethatcalls.pdf Year: 2011 Country: South Africa URL: http://www.csvr.org.za/docs/thesmokethatcalls.pdf Shelf Number: 123013 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesCollective ViolenceHate Crimes (South Africa) |
Author: Cavanagh, Ben Title: Religiously Aggravated Offending in Scotland 2010-11 Summary: Section 74 of the Criminal Justice (Scotland) Act 2003 states that an offence is aggravated by religious prejudice if: (a) at the time of committing the offence or immediately before or after doing so, the offender evinces towards the victim (if any) of the offence malice and ill-will based on the victim's membership (or presumed membership) of a religious group, or of a social or cultural group with a perceived religious affiliation; or (b) the offence is motivated (wholly or partly) by malice and ill-will towards members of a religious group, or of a social or cultural group with a perceived religious affiliation, based on their membership of that group'. Some information about these offences was published by the Crown Office and Procurator Fiscal Service (COPFS) in May 2011 in their report titled ‘Hate Crime in Scotland 2010-11’. The report included statistics on racially and religiously motivated crime, as well as figures on the three recently introduced categories of hate crime (disability, sexual orientation and transgender identity.) It showed that there were 693 charges with a religious aggravation reported in 2010-11. Over the last five years the overall total number of these charges has been relatively stable, fluctuating between 600 and 700 charges reported each year. In the five financial years between 2006-07 and 2010-11 there were 696, 609, 667, 632 and 693 religious aggravation charges respectively. The number of reported charges in 2010-11 was however 9.7% higher than in 2009-10 and the highest number of charges since 2006-07. To provide a greater insight into the nature of religious offending in Scotland this report presents a further breakdown of the charges reported to COPFS in 2010-11 including information about when and where these incidents took place, the nature of the religious belief that was targeted through the offensive conduct, the victims of the conduct and more information about the accused. The research sought to find out the age and sex of the accused; who the offensive conduct was directed towards; where incidents took place; if they were related to alcohol/drugs/football/marches; which religions were targeted and the final court outcomes for these charges. Details: Edinburgh: Scottish Government Social Research, 2011. 17p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 26, 2011 at: http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Resource/Doc/362943/0122956.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Resource/Doc/362943/0122956.pdf Shelf Number: 123452 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesHate Crimes (Scotland)Religion |
Author: Nath, Dipika Title: “We’ll Show You You’re a Woman”: Violence and Discrimination against Black Lesbians and Transgender Men in South Africa Summary: Social prejudice against lesbians, gay men, and transgender people is prevalent in South Africa even as the country has progressive laws prohibiting discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation. Lesbians, bisexual women, transgender men, and other gender non-conforming people in South Africa are subject to widespread discrimination, harassment, and violence. They are regularly thrown out of home; ridiculed and abused at school; harassed and insulted on the streets, in church, and at work; and threatened by neighbors and strangers. The abuse may be verbal, physical, or sexual—and may even result in murder. “We’ll Show You You’re a Woman” documents the violence and abuse faced by working-class South African black lesbians, transgender men, and gender non-conforming people, detailing the everyday climate of fear and impunity within which they must attempt to negotiate their safety. It identifies specific factors that enhance their vulnerability but also places the violence against them in broader context, including the country’s alarming rates of gender-based violence. South Africa already has in place many laws and policies to address sexual violence and discrimination; what is sorely lacking is effective implementation of those provisions. The report concludes with recommendations to specific ministries and departments of the South African government aimed at better safeguarding the rights and safety of lesbians and transgender men. Details: New York: Human Rights Watch, 2011. 86p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 26, 2012 at: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/southafrica1211.pdf Year: 2011 Country: South Africa URL: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/southafrica1211.pdf Shelf Number: 123762 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesDiscrimination (South Africa) Hate Crimes |
Author: National Coalition for the Homeless Title: Hate Crimes against the Homeless: Violence Hidden in Plain View Summary: the past twelve years (1999-2010), the National Coalition for the Homeless (NCH) has documented one thousand, one hundred eighty-four acts of violence against homeless individuals by housed perpetrators. These crimes are believed to be motivated by the perpetrators’ bias against homeless individuals or their ability to target homeless people with relative ease. The documented violence includes everything from murder to beatings, rapes, and setting people on fire. Hate Crimes against the Homeless: Violence Hidden in Plain View is the twelfth annual report documenting violence against homeless persons. The violence continues, and with twenty-four known deaths, 2010 ranks in the top-five deadliest years for attacks on homeless people in a decade, and with one hundred thirteen attacks, ranks as the fourth most violent year since NCH began tracking the violence in 1999. NCH has found startling data in the number and severity of attacks. However, the reports also acknowledge that since the homeless community is treated so poorly in our society, many more attacks go unreported. Hate crimes against the homeless community is a growing wave in need of public attention. • 1,184 reported acts of bias motivated violence have been committed against homeless individuals between 1999-2010. • 312 homeless individuals lost their lives as a result of the attacks • Reported violence has occurred in 47 states, Puerto Rico, and Washington, DC Our data also suggests that the perpetrators of these attacks tend to be young men and teenage boys. In the twelve year history of our hate crime reports, the vast majority of the attacks against homeless people have been committed by youth as young as nine years old. In 2010: • 72 percent of the attacks were committed by people under thirty years of age • 88 percent of perpetrators were men • More than one in five attacks ended in death Hate Crimes against the Homeless: Violence Hidden in Plain View documents the known cases of violence against homeless individuals by housed individuals in 2010. The report includes descriptions of the cases, current and pending legislation that would help protect homeless people, and recommendations for advocates to help prevent violence against homeless individuals. Details: Washington, DC: National Coalition for the Homeless, 2012. 82p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 26, 2012 at: http://www.nationalhomeless.org/publications/hatecrimes/hatecrimes2010.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.nationalhomeless.org/publications/hatecrimes/hatecrimes2010.pdf Shelf Number: 123765 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesHate Crimes (U.S.)Homelessness |
Author: Stotzer, Rebecca Title: Comparison of Hate Crime Rates Across Protected and Unprotected Groups Summary: Sexual orientation and gender identity are not currently covered by federal hate crime laws. This analysis compares victimization rates for lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals with groups already covered by hate crime laws. Results indicate that the hate crime rate against lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals is comparable to the rate of hate crimes against already protected groups. While the National Coalition of Anti-Violence Programs reports an average of 213 hate crimes per year, the federal government has no system in place for documenting or collecting these statistics. This discrepancy indicates a need for including gender identity in hate crime tracking laws, and extending legislative protection to lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people. Details: The Williams Institute, 2007. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 15, 2012 at http://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/Stotzer-Comparison-Hate-Crime-June-2007.pdf Year: 2007 Country: United States URL: http://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/Stotzer-Comparison-Hate-Crime-June-2007.pdf Shelf Number: 124970 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesCrime RatesCrime StatisticsDiscriminationHate CrimeLegislation |
Author: Dzelme, Inta Title: Psychological Effects of Hate Crime – Individual Experience and Impact on Community Summary: This report highlights outcomes of a qualitative study of the psychological effects on victims of hate crime in Latvia. It is a response to the question of why the immediate awareness and knowledge of the experience of hate crime victims is an important issue for the whole community. The study provides an overview of the research question, surveys the relevant literature, provides observations on the methodology applied, presents concrete field materials and data, and offers a discussion and summary of outcomes and implications. The analysis evolved from six in-depth interviews with hate crime victims and from an open focus group meeting of seven participants. The research participants were representatives of the so-called visible minorities, of the LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender persons), and of the Roma in Latvia. During the individual interviews and the group meeting, the experiences of victimisation were described both from the time of the incident and as perceived effects later. The description of experiences included thoughts, feelings, body sensations, the impact on themselves and others, and on their way of being in the world. Disclosure of the experiences was allowed to emerge spontaneously, unhampered by any prior expectations of this researcher. The collected data was analysed in accordance with qualitative research methods and standards. Nine core themes were identified as inherent in the experience: (1) trying to comprehend the victimisation: attempting not to take it personally; (2) seeing hate incidents as a burden on daily life; (3) far reaching impact of physical attacks; (4) passivity and lack of help from the people around; (5) physical symptoms and stress; (6) multiple layers of psychological impact; (7) personal consequences of victimisation; (8) impact on significant others, families, and children; and (9) consequences to the community; resentment of injury. This study reflects the psycho-emotional effects of experiencing hate crime victimisation in Latvia. Individual consequences include various physical and psychological constraints, including but not limited to changes in appearance and behaviours; attempts to construct personal safety measures; damage to self confidence; strain on personal relationships; restricted social activities; and withdrawal. The social consequences (i.e. resentment, constriction, emigration) of these experiences are analysed along with suggestions for future integration strategies. The determination to take part in activities for bettering the prevailing status of their social group and apparent burnout in some cases is discussed. Possible limitations of this investigation are also addressed. Details: Riga, Latvia: Latvian Centre for Human Rights, 2008. 47p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 19, 2012 at: http://www.humanrights.org.lv/upload_file/Naida_noziegums_ENG_cietusajiem_Internetam.pdf Year: 2008 Country: Latvia URL: http://www.humanrights.org.lv/upload_file/Naida_noziegums_ENG_cietusajiem_Internetam.pdf Shelf Number: 125025 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesHate Crimes (Latvia)Victims of Crime, Psychological Impacts |
Author: Dutta, Debolina Title: Count Me IN! Research Report on Violence Against Disabled, Lesbian, and Sex-working Women in Bangladesh, India, and Nepal Summary: The count me IN! Research Report on Violence Against Disabled, Lesbian, and Sex-working Women in Bangladesh, India, and Nepal is based on the first ever multi-country research study on violence faced by disabled women, lesbian women, and female sex workers (FSWs) in three countries in South Asia—Bangladesh, India, and Nepal. CREA conducted the research study in partnership with University College London (UCL); James P Grant School of Public Health, BRAC University, Bangladesh; Society for Nutrition, Education, and Health Action (SNEHA), India; and Centre for Research on Environment Health and Population Activities (CREHPA), Nepal. This report collates the findings and recommendations that emerged from the three country studies carried out by the research partners, under the aegis of CREA and UCL. Although significant strides have been made towards gender equality and women’s empowerment in many parts of the world, violence against women (VAW) continues to be a pressing issue for the South Asian agenda. Violence against women who are marginalised on the basis of sexuality or gender expression is particularly high. Yet, it remains under-reported and under-addressed because of the stigma and discrimination associated with them. The study investigated the hypothesis that women who are outside the mainstream of the South Asian society suffer higher rates of violence and are often unable to seek and receive protection from State agencies. Women who are outside the mainstream on account of, for example, their sexuality (women who have sex with women), their occupation (women who sell sex), their age (women who are young and never married), or their physical or mental ability to assert themselves (women with physical or mental disability) are at an increased risk of violence. They are systematically restricted in their access to resources and are unable to fully participate in society. A global literature review of various peer-reviewed research studies, focusing on disabled women, lesbian women, and FSWs, revealed that the overwhelming majority of these were conducted in North America. Only one of the identified studies was undertaken among the FSWs in Dhaka, Bangladesh. This highlights the existence of gaps in the evidence about or from South Asia. This report is a first step towards filling in some of these gaps in research by looking at the intersections of marginalisation, gender, and violence against women (VAW) in South Asia. The fundamental rationale behind the research study was to foreground the voices of these three groups of marginalised women. The study aimed at making their concerns, experiences, and struggles central to the ways in which VAW is understood, and laws and policies are shaped. Details: New Delhi, India: CREA, 2012. 178p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 27, 2012 at: http://ilga.org/ilga/static/uploads/files/2012/5/8/08223438.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Asia URL: http://ilga.org/ilga/static/uploads/files/2012/5/8/08223438.pdf Shelf Number: 125411 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesDisabilityDiscriminationGays, Lesbians and Bisexuals, Crime AgainstGender-Based ViolenceProstitutesSex WorkersViolence Against Women (Asia) |
Author: American Prosecutor's Research Institute Title: A Local Prosecutor's Guide for Responding to Hate Crimes Summary: The United States has long been a “melting pot” society, to which people of different ethnic groups and races, from many diverse cultures and countries, have come. They and their children have become Americans, to form this unique and unified nation. Yet throughout our history these distinctions have fostered bias, prejudice, and hatred by some people— manifested in the form of harassment, intimidation, and bias-motivated crimes. Bias- or hate-motivated incidents and crimes can have a serious impact not only on the victim but also on those who share his or her characteristics because they have been singled out as a result of inherent characteristics and robbed of self-esteem. The deep psychological impact of hate crimes causes terror among victims and victimized groups, distrust of the criminal justice system and its ability to protect against hate crimes, and the potential for retaliatory crimes against the offender or the group the offender represents. Criminologically, hate crimes are regarded by some as a more severe offense than non bias-motivated offenses. Compared to other crimes in general, bias-motivated crimes are more likely to: • Be directed against persons as opposed to property; • Involve injury to victims; • Involve multiple offenders; • Involve serial victimizations; and • Go unsolved. For these reasons, hate crimes must be addressed in a manner that takes into account the seriousness of the offenses and their impact on victims/victimized groups and that serves to stop biased attitudes and beliefs from escalating into crimes. Details: Alexandria, VA: APRI, 2003. 59p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 27, 2012 at: http://www.ndaa.org/pdf/hate_crimes.pdf Year: 2003 Country: United States URL: http://www.ndaa.org/pdf/hate_crimes.pdf Shelf Number: 126474 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesHate CrimesProsecutionProsecutors |
Author: FRA – European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights Title: Making Hate Crime Visible in the European Union: Acknowledging Victims' Rights Summary: Violence and crimes motivated by racism, xenophobia, religious intolerance or by a person’s disability, sexual orientation or gender identity – often referred to as ‘hate crime’ – are a daily reality throughout the European Union (EU), as data collected by the FRA consistently shows. Such crimes not only harm the victim, they are also generally prejudicial to fundamental rights, namely to human dignity and with respect to non-discrimination. Victims and witnesses of hate crimes are reluctant to report them, whether to law enforcement agencies, the criminal justice system, non-governmental organisations or victim support groups. As a result, victims of crime are often unable or unwilling to seek redress against perpetrators, with many crimes remaining unreported, unprosecuted and, therefore, invisible. In such cases, the rights of victims of crime may not be fully respected or protected and EU Member States may not be upholding the obligations they have towards victims of crime. The EU and its Member States can combat hate crime and address the related fundamental rights violations by making them both more visible and holding perpetrators accountable. This entails encouraging victims and witnesses to report crimes and incidents, while increasing their confidence in the ability of the criminal justice system to deal with this type of criminality decisively and effectively. Details: Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2012. 60p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 1, 2012 at: http://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra-2012_hate-crime.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Europe URL: http://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra-2012_hate-crime.pdf Shelf Number: 127087 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesHate Crimes (Europe)RacismReligious IntoleranceXenophobia |
Author: European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) Title: EU LGBT survey European Union lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender survey. Results at a glance Summary: In light of a lack of comparable data on the respect, protection and fulfilment of the fundamental rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) persons, the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) launched in 2012 its European Union (EU) online survey of LGBT persons’ experiences of discrimination, violence and harassment. The survey results provide valuable evidence of how LGBT persons in the EU and Croatia experience bias-motivated discrimination, violence and harassment in different areas of life, including employment, education, healthcare, housing and other services. The fi ndings show that many hide their identity or avoid locations because of fear. Others experience discrimination and even violence for being LGBT. Most, however, do not report such incidents to the police or any other relevant authority. By highlighting and analysing the survey results, this report, together with the accompanying EU LGBT survey – Main results report, will assist the EU institutions and Member States in identifying the fundamental rights challenges facing LGBT people living in the EU and Croatia. It can thereby support the development of effective and targeted European and national legal and policy responses to address the needs of LGBT persons and ensure the protection of their fundamental rights. Details: Vienna, Austria: FRA, 2013. 31p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 1, 2013 at: http://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/eu-lgbt-survey-results-at-a-glance_en.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Europe URL: http://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/eu-lgbt-survey-results-at-a-glance_en.pdf Shelf Number: 128909 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesDiscriminationHate Crimes (Europe)Human Rights |
Author: Great Britain. Law Commission Title: Hate Crime: The Case for Extending the Existing Offences Summary: This project came to the Law Commission by a reference from the Ministry of Justice, following the Government’s publication of its three-year hate crime action plan in 2012. Our terms of reference ask us to look into: (a) extending the aggravated offences in the Crime and Disorder Act 1998 to include where hostility is demonstrated towards people on the grounds of disability, sexual orientation or gender identity; (b) the case for extending the stirring up of hatred offences under the Public Order Act 1986 to include stirring up of hatred on the grounds of disability or gender identity. As part of this work, we also examine the current sentencing regime applicable to cases where hostility is established, as this already applies to all five groups and involves similar elements to the aggravated offences (though it is applicable to a wider group of offences). In this consultation, we analyse the case for reforming the existing offences to bring greater coherence and protection for all five groups. We ask: •Do existing criminal offences provide adequate protection against the types of wrongdoing occurring against members of the protected groups? •Do the Courts’ existing sentencing powers provide a sufficient response in all cases? •Would extending the offences create uncertainty or have other unintended consequences? Details: London: Law Commission, 2013. 136p. Source: Internet Resource: Consultation Paper No 213: Accessed July 8, 2013 at: http://lawcommission.justice.gov.uk/docs/cp213_hate_crime_amended.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://lawcommission.justice.gov.uk/docs/cp213_hate_crime_amended.pdf Shelf Number: 129271 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesDiscriminationHate Crimes (U.K.) |
Author: European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) Title: Discrimination and Hate Crime Against Jews in EU Member States: Experiences and perceptions of antisemitism Summary: Antisemitism is one of the most alarming examples of how prejudice can endure, lingering on for centuries, curbing Jewish people's chances to enjoy their legally guaranteed rights to human dignity, freedom of thought, conscience and religion or non-discrimination. Despite European Union (EU) and Member States' best efforts, many Jews across the EU continue to face insults, discrimination, harassment and physical violence that may keep them from living their lives openly as Jews. Nevertheless, there is little concrete information available on the extent and nature of antisemitism that Jewish people encounter in the EU today - whether at work, in public places, at school or in the media - information critical to policy makers seeking to craft effective solutions to bring an end to such discrimination. The European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) has reported on the available official and unofficial data on antisemitic incidents in its Annual report on Fundamental rights: challenges and achievements, as well as in a separate annual working paper - Antisemitism: Summary overview of the situation in the EU - which presents trends on the available data covering up to 10 years. This provides a long-term view of the developments concerning antisemitic incidents. These reports are part of FRA's body of work on hate crime, shining light on the experiences of various groups such as Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) persons, immigrants and ethnic minorities, and persons with disabilities. The available data fail to answer many questions, however, which are of keen interest to policy makers looking to improve responses to antisemitic acts. Effective solutions require information on the types of antisemitic incidents, the context in which they take place and the reasons why many incidents are not reported at all, indeed, why official statistics markedly underestimate the number of antisemitic incidents and the number of people exposed to these acts. Furthermore, even the most basic official statistics on antisemitic incidents are not available in many EU Member States. To close this information gap and facilitate effective solutions, FRA carried out the first-ever survey to collect comparable data across a number of EU Member States on Jewish people's experiences and perceptions of antisemitism, hate crime and discrimination. In the survey, which was conducted in Belgium, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Latvia, Sweden and the United Kingdom, 5,847 self-identified Jewish people took part. The survey was also carried out in Romania, but due to the small number of responses in Romania these results are presented separately in Annex 2 of this report. The survey also provides data on exposure to antisemitic acts against the Jewish community, such as vandalism of Jewish sites or antisemitic messages in the broadcast media or on the internet. Details: Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2013. 80p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 23, 2013 at: http://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra-2013-discrimination-hate-crime-against-jews-eu-member-states_en.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Europe URL: http://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra-2013-discrimination-hate-crime-against-jews-eu-member-states_en.pdf Shelf Number: 131695 Keywords: AntisemitismBias-Motivated CrimesDiscriminationHate Crimes (Europe)PrejudiceVandalism |
Author: Great Britain. Home Office Title: An Overview of Hate Crime in England and Wales Summary: There are two main official sources for the number of hate crime offences in England and Wales: the Crime Survey for England and Wales (CSEW) and police recorded crime. The survey estimate is the higher of the two - some of the crimes reported in the survey will not come to the attention of the police. While the CSEW provides estimates of the volume of hate crime incidents, because of the small numbers of hate crime victims captured by the survey there are large margins of error around these estimates. These figures do, however, help to provide a broader context in which to view hate crime data from other sources. Based on combined data from the 2011/12 and 2012/13 CSEW, there were an estimated 278,000 hate crimes on average per year for the five monitored strands. The most commonly reported motivating factor in these hate crime incidents was race, with an average of 154,000 incidents a year according to the 2011/12 and 2012/13 surveys. The second most common motivating factor was religion (70,000 incidents per year). The majority of hate crime incidents were accounted for by incidents of assault (with minor injury or no injury) and incidents of vandalism, which together made up around two-thirds of the CSEW hate crime estimate. The combined 2011/12 and 2012/13 CSEW estimated that 40 per cent of hate crimes came to the attention of the police, a similar level to overall CSEW crime. However, the level of reporting to the police for hate crimes has fallen from 51 per cent in the combined 2007/08 and 2008/09 surveys. This fall is likely to be in at least part due to a change in the profile of hate crime offences experienced, away from more serious offences (such as robbery) to less serious offences (such as assault without injury). These less serious offences tend to have a lower reporting rate. The most common reason for not reporting the incident to the police was because the victim believed that the police would not or could not do much about it (43% of hate crime incidents in the CSEW that were not reported). In the process of recording a crime, the police can 'flag' an offence as being motivated by one or more of the five centrally monitored strands. The police recorded 42,236 hate crime offences in 2012/13, around one per cent of all recorded crime. Comparing this with estimates from the CSEW implies that far fewer hate crime offences came to the attention of the police than the 40 per cent indicated by the survey. There are a number of possible reasons to explain this discrepancy; for example, that the victim may not have mentioned the motivating factor when they reported the incident to the police. Comparisons between the CSEW hate crime estimates and the police recorded crime figures are explored in more detail in the main report. Details: London: Home Office, Ministry of Justice and Office for National Statistics, 2013. 58p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 24, 2014 at: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/266358/hate-crime-2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/266358/hate-crime-2013.pdf Shelf Number: 132155 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesCrime StatisticsHate Crimes (U.K.) |
Author: Harvey, Shannon Title: Barriers Faced by Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender People in Accessing Domestic Abuse, Stalking and Harassment, and Sexual Violence Services Summary: In 2012, the Welsh Government began consultation on legislation to end violence against women, domestic abuse and sexual violence. Stakeholders, in early White Paper consultations, suggested that lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people may experience specific barriers when seeking support (Faraz Bhula, 2012). Alongside the development of Wales' men's domestic abuse service, some research has been conducted around gay and bisexual men's experiences of domestic abuse. However, LGBT people remain under-represented in referrals to the All Wales Domestic Abuse & Sexual Violence Helpline and Multi-Agency Risk Assessment Conferences (MARACs) across Wales, despite evidence suggesting that they experience domestic and sexual abuse at similar rates to heterosexual, cis women (Donovan et al, 2006; Henderson, 2003). Service provision in Wales and elsewhere in the UK has remained focused on the needs of heterosexual, cis women and knowledge of any differences in LGBT people's support needs is limited. Seeking to further develop policy-making and legislation in this area, the Welsh Government (2013) committed to identifying barriers faced by LGBT people in accessing domestic abuse, stalking and harassment, and sexual violence services. NatCen Social Research was commissioned in January 2014 to conduct this research. Details: Cardiff, Wales: Welsh Government Social Research, 2014. 80p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 17, 2014 at: http://wales.gov.uk/docs/caecd/research/2014/140604-barriers-faced-lgbt-accessing-domestic-abuse-services-en.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://wales.gov.uk/docs/caecd/research/2014/140604-barriers-faced-lgbt-accessing-domestic-abuse-services-en.pdf Shelf Number: 132489 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesDiscriminationDomestic ViolenceGays, Crime AgainstGays, Lesbians and Bisexuals, Crime AgainstHate CrimesMinority GroupsSexual HarassmentSexual ViolenceStalkingVictim Services |
Author: Marwick, Alice Title: Online Harassment, Defamation, and Hateful Speech: A Primer of the Legal Landscape Summary: Although online harassment and hateful speech is a significant problem, there are few legal remedies for victims. Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act provides internet service providers (including social media sites, blog hosting companies, etc.) with broad immunity from liability for user-generated content. Given limited resources, law enforcement personnel prioritize other cases over prosecuting internet-related issues. Similarly, there are often state jurisdictional issues which make successful prosecution difficult, as victim and perpetrator are often in different states, if not different countries. Internet speech is protected under the First Amendment. Thus, state laws regarding online speech are written to comply with First Amendment protections, requiring fighting words, true threats, or obscene speech (which are not protected). This generally means that most offensive or obnoxious online comments are protected speech. For an online statement to be defamatory, it must be provably false rather than a matter of opinion. This means that the specifics of language used in the case are extremely important. While there are state laws for harassment and defamation, few cases have resulted in successful prosecution. The most successful legal tactic from a practical standpoint has been using a defamation or harassment lawsuit to reveal the identities of anonymous perpetrators through a subpoena to ISPs then settling. During the course of our research, we were unable to find many published opinions in which perpetrators have faced criminal penalties, which suggests that the cases are not prosecuted, they are not appealed when they are prosecuted, or that the victim settles out of court with the perpetrator and stops pressing charges. As such, our case law research was effectively limited to civil cases. In offline contexts, hate speech laws seem to only be applied by courts as penalty enhancements; we could locate no online-specific hate speech laws. Given this landscape, the problem of online harassment and hateful speech is unlikely to be solved solely by victims using existing laws; law should be utilized in combination with other practical solutions. Details: New York: Center on Law and Information Policy, Fordham Law School, 2014. 75p. Source: Internet Resource: CLIP Report: Accessed June 19, 2014 at: http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1002&context=clip Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1002&context=clip Shelf Number: 132508 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesFirst AmendmentHarassmentHate CrimeInternet CrimesOnline Victimization |
Author: Welsh Local Government Association Title: Tackling Hate Crimes and Incidents: A Framework for Action Summary: The Framework aims to tackle hate crimes and incidents in respect of the protected characteristics under the Equality Act 2010. These include: -disability -race -religion -sexual orientation -gender identity -age. The Framework has also been developed to tackle areas of hate crimes and incidents across cyber hate and bullying, far right hate and mate crime (befriending of people, who are perceived by perpetrators to be vulnerable, for the purposes of taking advantage of, exploiting and/or abusing them). The Framework includes three objectives on prevention, supporting victims and improving the multi-agency response. It is supported by a Delivery Plan which will be updated on an annual basis. Details: Cardiff: Welsh Government, 2014. 64p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 1, 2014 at: http://wales.gov.uk/docs/dsjlg/publications/equality/140512-hate-crime-framework-en.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://wales.gov.uk/docs/dsjlg/publications/equality/140512-hate-crime-framework-en.pdf Shelf Number: 132580 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesBullyingCrime PreventionCybercrimesHate Crimes |
Author: Amnesty International Title: Because of Who I Am: Homophobia, Transphobia and Hate Crimes in Europe Summary: Although the situation of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and intersex (LGBTI) people has improved in recent years in some European countries, prejudice, discrimination and hate-motivated violence persist, even in countries where same-sex relationships are relatively accepted and where marriage has been opened to all couples irrespective of their gender and sexual orientation. Because of discrimination, prejudice and violence, many people in Europe continue to hide their sexual orientation and gender identity, including from colleagues, friends, schoolmates and family members. According to a survey across European Union (EU) States recently published by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA), almost 70% of the LGBTI respondents had always or often disguised their sexual orientation or gender identity at school. LGBTI individuals can face violence anywhere: on the street, in bars and clubs, even at home - sometimes from family members. An Italian NGO (AGEDO) that provides counselling to parents of LGBTI youth in Palermo described cases where teenagers have been sexually abused by their relatives as well as cases where they have been confined to or banished from their homes or referred to "sorcerers" supposedly to help them "fix" their sexual orientation or gender identity. Violence motivated by the real or perceived sexual orientation or gender identity of the victim is widespread, although the exact extent cannot be known. According to the FRA, one out of four of the LGBTI individuals surveyed had been attacked or threatened with violence in the past five years. Unfortunately, only a minority of European countries collect comprehensive data on homophobic and transphobic hate crimes. According to the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), 13 EU countries collect some kind of data on homophobic hate crimes, while only five collect data on transphobic hate crimes. However, only four of them provided information on these crimes to the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights in 2011. Hate-motivated violence has a particular detrimental, long-term impact on victims. It also creates a broader climate of fear among LGBTI individuals, groups and communities and, especially when states fail to bring the perpetrators to justice, a pervasive mistrust in authorities. In order to effectively tackle hate crimes on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity, authorities need to make improvements in several areas. Currently, there are gaps in legislation in many EU countries, while investigations and prosecutions of crimes with a hate motive are often flawed. There is little support for victims, who in turn may be unwilling to report the crimes to the police, and impunity prevails for the attackers. This briefing identifies such areas with illustrative case studies. It also provides information on homophobic and transphobic hate crimes in these countries and makes a number of recommendations to both national authorities and the EU. Details: London: AI, 2013. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 2, 2014 at: http://amnesty.ie/sites/default/files/Because%20of%20who%20I%20am.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Europe URL: http://amnesty.ie/sites/default/files/Because%20of%20who%20I%20am.pdf Shelf Number: 132602 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesDiscriminationGays, Violence AgainstHate CrimesHomophobiaPrejudice |
Author: Allen, Mary Title: Police-reported Hate Crime in Canada, 2012 Summary: Police-reported hate crime in Canada, 2012: highlights - In 2012, police reported 1,414 criminal incidents motivated by hate in Canada, 82 more incidents than in 2011. - About half (51%) of police-reported hate crimes in 2012 were motivated by hatred of race or ethnicity. Another 30% were motivated by religion and another 13% by sexual orientation. - Over two-thirds (69%) of hate crimes were non-violent. Mischief was the most commonly reported offence among police-reported hate crimes, making up over half of all hate crime incidents: 6% were hate mischief in relation to religious property and 51% were other types of mischief. - Almost one-third (31%) of police-reported hate crimes in 2012 involved violent offences, such as assault, uttering threats and criminal harassment. Hate crimes motivated by sexual orientation (67%) or race/ethnicity (32%) were the most likely to involve violent offences. Among religious hate crimes, 13% were violent. - The majority of police-reported hate crime incidents in 2012 were concentrated in major cities (CMAs). While the 10 largest Canadian cities account for just over half of the population (52%), they reported 63% of the hate crimes in 2012. - Among crimes motivated by hate, the accused were predominantly young and male. Among persons accused of hate crimes in 2012, 84% were male and 57% were under age 25. The majority (62%) of the youth accused of hate crimes who were under age 18 were accused of non-violent offences, with 48% accused of mischief. Details: Ottawa: Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics, 2014. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Juristat: Accessed July 3, 2014 at: http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/85-002-x/2014001/article/14028-eng.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Canada URL: http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/85-002-x/2014001/article/14028-eng.pdf Shelf Number: 132622 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesCrime StatisticsHate Crimes |
Author: Chan, Jason Title: The Internet and Hate Crime: Offline Spillovers from Online Access Summary: ICTs such as the Internet have had profound effects, both positive and negative, on many aspects of our lives and thereby on the society we live in. As the Internet's use has expanded, the possibility of using this ICT for unlawful activity has grown as well. In this paper we investigate whether the Internet has affected the prevalence of racially-driven hate crime by giving extremists access to a broader set of potential audiences. In order to better understand the link, we study the extent to which broadband availability affected racial hate crimes in the U.S. from 2000 - 2008. We deploy a set of econometric techniques to account for biases that may be present in the estimations. After controlling for estimation biases, we find strong evidence across multiple specifications that Internet availability increases racial hate crimes. We also find that the results are stronger in areas with greater racial segregation and areas with greater levels of urbanization. Our analyses suggest that the Internet-induced increase in racial hate crime is not due to an increase in crime reporting levels facilitated by broadband growth. These results shed light on one of the many offline spillovers from increased online access. Details: New York: New York University - Leonard N. Stern School of Business, 2014. 46p. Source: Internet Resource: NET Institute Working Paper No. 13-02 : Accessed July 16, 2014 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2335637 Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2335637 Shelf Number: 132697 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesComputer CrimesHate Crimes (U.S.)Internet CrimesRace |
Author: Youth Equality Alliance Title: Living in the Margins: A Report on the Challenges of LGBTQ Youth in Maryland Education, Foster Care, and Juvenile Justice Systems Summary: In recent years, Maryland's lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender or queer/questioning (LGBTQ), community has secured several new rights, including the right to marry and the right to be free from gender identity discrimination in employment, housing, and public accommodations. Yet, much work remains to be done in order to guarantee that all LGBTQ Marylanders are protected, safe, and equal - especially youth. According to the 2010 U.S. Census, an estimated 621,608 youth, ages 10 to 17, live in Maryland, as do 322,140 young adults, ages 18 to 21. Based on national studies, 5% to 10% of youth identify as LGBTQ. For Maryland, that means that between 47,000 and 95,000 youth identify as LGBTQ, not including the thousands who may be unsure about their sexual orientation or gender identity. This population faces unique challenges to their ability to lead healthy and productive lives. Formed in May 2013, the Youth Equality Alliance (YEA) is a statewide group of advocates and professionals from various services providers, nonprofit organizations, and government agencies that seeks to identify policy, regulatory, and best-practices solutions to problems faced by LGBTQ youth. The YEA's first report - this report - Living in the Margins, briefly outlines the current challenges facing LGBTQ youth as they navigate Maryland's education, foster care, and juvenile justice systems, and proposes specific and realistic recommendations for addressing these challenges. Details: Baltimore, MD: Youth Equality Alliance, FreeState Legal Project Cover, 2014. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 25, 2014 at: http://freestatelegal.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/YEA-Report-2014.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://freestatelegal.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/YEA-Report-2014.pdf Shelf Number: 133135 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesDiscrimination (Maryland)Gays, Lesbians and Bisexuals, Crime AgainstJuvenile Justice Systems (Maryland) |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: License to Harm: Violence and Harassment against LGBT People and Activists in Russia Summary: Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) community has become the target of physical violence and everyday harassment. In the past two years there has been a surge of attacks by individuals and vigilante groups against LGBT people and activists. Russian law enforcement agencies appear to lack the will to take homophobic violence seriously and have done little to hold assailants accountable. This inaction has perpetuated the cycle of discrimination, harassment, and violence. In June 2013 Russia effectively entrenched legalized discrimination against LGBT people by adopting a federal law - the anti-LGBT "propaganda" law - banning distribution of information in the presence of children about LGBT relationships. License to Harm: Violence and Harassment against LGBT People and Activists in Russia documents the spread of homophobic and transphobic violence and everyday harassment against LGBT people and activists in the lead-up to and since the adoption of the 2013 anti-LGBT law. The report is based on dozens of interviews with LGBT people and activists from 16 cities and towns in Russia. Human Rights Watch deplores the wholly inadequate efforts by Russian law enforcement to effectively investigate anti-LGBT violence and curb its spread. Human Rights Watch urges Russian authorities to address the escalation of anti-LGBT violence in the country, prosecute homophobic attacks as hate crimes, and repeal the anti-LGBT "propaganda" law. Details: New York: HRW, 2014. 108p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 15, 2015 at: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/russia1214_ForUpload_2.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Russia URL: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/russia1214_ForUpload_2.pdf Shelf Number: 134404 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesGays, Crime Against Gays, Lesbians and Bisexuals, Crime AgainstHate CrimesHomophobic Violence (Russia)Sexual DiscriminationSexual HarassmentSexual Violence |
Author: Hole, Arne Risa Title: The impact of the London bombings on the wellbeing of young Muslims Summary: This paper uses the timing of the London bombings, occurring midway through a nationally representative survey of English adolescents, to identify the impact of an exogenous shock to racism on the wellbeing of young Muslims. We extend Lechner (2011) to apply the method of difference-in-differences to ordered response data. Difference-in-differences using non-Muslim adolescents as controls, and a before-after comparison across Muslims alone, both show a decline in the wellbeing of Muslim teenage girls after the bombings, particularly for those facing high levels of deprivation and segregation. No corresponding effects are found among Muslim teenage boys. Details: Sheffield, UK: University of Sheffield, Department of Economics, 2015. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: https://www.sheffield.ac.uk/polopoly_fs/1.432877!/file/serps_2015002.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.sheffield.ac.uk/polopoly_fs/1.432877!/file/paper_2015002.pdf Shelf Number: 134512 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesBombings (U.K.)MuslimsRacial PrejudiceRacism |
Author: Human Rights First Title: Breaking the Cycle of Violence: Countering Antisemitism and Extremism in France Summary: The deadly terrorist attacks on November 13 in Paris, coming less than a year after the killings at Charlie Hebdo and a kosher supermarket, have focused long overdue attention on the resurgence of antisemitism and extremism in France. France has both the largest Jewish and one of the largest Muslim communities in Europe. With the rise of the xenophobic far-right National Front party, this situation is a tinderbox. "Antisemitism is unacceptable no matter where it comes from," said the Chief Rabbi of France, Haim Korsia, in July 2015. "When there is a Republic with strong values - liberty, equality, fraternity, which we often forget - we have security and serenity for everyone, including Jews." Violence targeting Jews and Jewish sites has led to a heightened sense of insecurity, and an increasing number of Jews are relocating in or outside of France for security reasons. Some observers have drawn comparisons to Europe in the 1930s. While that dark history continues to cast a cautionary shadow, as it should, the comparison is inapt. Nonetheless, antisemitism is a grave threat to human rights, and its resurgence in France should be of great concern to the French government and its allies, including the United States. Antisemitic violence harms not only its direct victims but entire Jewish communities, preventing them from being able to exercise their fundamental rights. And the potential damage is even greater: Left unchecked, antisemitism leads to the persecution of other minorities, and to an overall increase in repression and intolerance. An increase in antisemitism is a harbinger of societal breakdown. This report analyzes the nature and extent of antisemitism in France and presents recommendations for combating it by promoting tolerance and inclusiveness. Based on public information and interviews with a range of government officials, civil society representatives, and academic experts, the report examines this problem within broader and interrelated phenomena, including the ascendancy of the far-right party the National Front, mounting anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim sentiment, the spread of Islamic extremism, and the increasing alienation of many Muslims in France. While the report assesses spikes in antisemitic incidents related to developments in the Middle East, it focuses on France and the domestic dynamics contributing to this problem. However, we see France as a test case for the plight of Jews on the continent because the pertinent trends there also exist in other European countries. Details: New York: Human Rights First, 2016. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 16, 2016 at: http://www.humanrightsfirst.org/sites/default/files/HRF-Breaking-the-Cycle-final.pdf Year: 2016 Country: France URL: http://www.humanrightsfirst.org/sites/default/files/HRF-Breaking-the-Cycle-final.pdf Shelf Number: 138697 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesExtremismExtremist GroupsHate CrimesHuman Rights AbusesTerrorism |
Author: Hunt, Ryan Title: Lessons from a Hate Crime Detective: A Guide for Law Enforcement Summary: This guide is designed as a tool to help community groups facilitate discussions and training sessions in conjunction with screenings of the seven-minute Not In Our Town film Lessons From a Hate Crime Detective. Produced in collaboration with the COPS Office, the film features Detective Ellen Vest, a 30-year veteran of San Diego County (California) Sheriff's Department, distilling the most important ideas about hate crimes down to five essential lessons. The guide provides discussion questions for use in community screenings as well as a list of supplemental resources. Used together, the film and guide can help agencies and communities work to improve hate crime reporting, enhance investigations, and support victims. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 2015. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 16, 2016 at: http://ric-zai-inc.com/Publications/cops-p336-pub.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://ric-zai-inc.com/Publications/cops-p336-pub.pdf Shelf Number: 139060 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesHate Crimes |
Author: International Crisis Group Title: The Dark Side of Transition: Violence Against Muslims in Myanmar Summary: Following the outbreak of deadly intercommunal clashes in Rakhine State in 2012, anti-Muslim violence has spread to other parts of Myanmar. The depth of anti-Muslim sentiment in the country, and the inadequate response of the security forces, mean that further clashes are likely. Unless there is an effective government response and change in societal attitudes, violence could spread, impacting on Myanmar's transition as well as its standing in the region and beyond. The violence has occurred in the context of rising Burman-Buddhist nationalism, and the growing influence of the monk-led "969" movement that preaches intolerance and urges a boycott of Muslim businesses. This is a dangerous combination: considerable pent-up frustration and anger under years of authoritarianism are now being directed towards Muslims by a populist political force that cloaks itself in religious respectability and moral authority. Anti-Indian and anti-Muslim violence is nothing new in Myanmar. It is rooted in the country's colonial history and demographics, and the rise of Burman nationalism in that context. Deadly violence has erupted regularly in different parts of the country in the decades since. But the lifting of authoritarian controls and the greater availability of modern communications mean that there is a much greater risk of the violence spreading. Among the most discriminated against populations in Myanmar is the Muslim community in northern Rakhine State, the Rohingya. Most are denied citizenship, and face severe restrictions on freedom of movement as well as numerous abusive policies. In June and October 2012, clashes between Buddhists and Muslims in Rakhine State left almost 200 people dead and around 140,000 displaced, the great majority of them Muslims. Communities remain essentially segregated to this day, and the humanitarian situation is dire. In early 2013, the violence spread to central Myanmar. The worst incident occurred in the town of Meiktila, where a dispute at a shop led to anti-Muslim violence. The brutal killing of a Buddhist monk sharply escalated the situation, with two days of riots by a 1,000-strong mob resulting in widespread destruction of Muslim neighbourhoods, and leaving at least 44 people dead, including twenty students and several teachers massacred at an Islamic school. There has been strong domestic and international criticism of the police response. In Rakhine State, the police – who are overwhelmingly made up of Rakhine Buddhists – reportedly had little ability to stop the attacks, and there are allegations of some being complicit in the violence. The army, once it was deployed, performed better. In Meiktila, the police were apparently incapable of controlling the angry crowds that gathered outside the shop, and were hopelessly outnumbered and ineffective when the clashes rapidly escalated. The violence has regional implications. There has been a sharp increase in the number of Muslims making the treacherous journey by boat from Rakhine State to other countries in the region, prompting public criticism from some of those countries. The intercommunal tensions have also spilled over Myanmar's borders, with the murders of Myanmar Buddhists in Malaysia, and related violence in other countries. There have also been threats of jihad against Myanmar, and plots and attacks against Myanmar or Buddhist targets in the region. As Myanmar prepares to take over the rotating chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2014, this could become a serious political issue. The Myanmar government understands what is at stake. President Thein Sein has spoken publicly on the dangers of the violence, and announced a "zero-tolerance" approach. The police response has been improving somewhat, with faster and more effective interventions bringing incidents under control more quickly. And after some delay, perpetrators of these crimes are being prosecuted and imprisoned, although there are concerns that Buddhists sometimes appear to be treated more leniently. But much more needs to be done. Beyond improved riot-control training and equipment for police, broader reform of the police service is necessary so that it can be more effective and trusted, particularly at the community level, including officers from ethnic and religious minorities. This is only just starting. The government and society at large must also do more to combat extremist rhetoric, in public, in the media and online. At a moment of historic reform and opening, Myanmar cannot afford to become hostage to intolerance and bigotry. Details: Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2013. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 22, 2017 at: https://d2071andvip0wj.cloudfront.net/the-dark-side-of-transition-violence-against-muslims-in-myanmar.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Burma URL: https://d2071andvip0wj.cloudfront.net/the-dark-side-of-transition-violence-against-muslims-in-myanmar.pdf Shelf Number: 146641 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesHate CrimesIntoleranceMuslimsViolence |
Author: Ralsmark, Hilda Title: Media visibility and social tolerance: Evidence from USA Summary: I study the impact of media visibility of people of colour on the rate of hate crimes motivated by race or ethnicity in the United States. To do so, I construct a novel measure of state-level media visibility of people of colour between 2007 and 2013. Comparing state-level variation in the hate crime rate with a measure of the one-year lagged state-level variation in media visibility, I find that an increase in media visibility reduces the number of hate crimes. The effect is not larger in states that used to be pro-slavery, but larger in states that are more prone to spontaneous emotional outbursts of hate. The result, which is robust to several checks, is in the line with the argument that "visibility matters." Details: Gothenburg: University of Gothenburg, 2017. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper in Economics No. 703: Accessed September 9, 2017 at: https://gupea.ub.gu.se/bitstream/2077/53014/1/gupea_2077_53014_1.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://gupea.ub.gu.se/bitstream/2077/53014/1/gupea_2077_53014_1.pdf Shelf Number: 147201 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesHate CrimesMass MediaMedia and Crime |
Author: Alderson, Melissa Title: Review of Hate Crime Prevention, Response, and Reporting in Seattle: Phase 1 Report Summary: Background In response to a 2016 increase of reported hate crimes and hate incidents in Seattle, City Councilmember Lisa Herbold asked our office to audit the City of Seattle's (City) handling of hate crimes. We are completing this audit in two phases, with this first report focusing on how the Seattle Police Department uses hate crime data and the practices and processes the City follows to identify, respond to, and prevent hate crimes. The second phase report will address how the City can improve its use of hate crime data and will provide an analysis of the extent to which reported hate crimes have resulted in prosecution. What We Found The three departments involved in this audit - the Seattle Police Department (SPD), the Seattle Office for Civil Rights (SOCR), and Seattle Public Utilities (SPU), have taken steps to strengthen prevention, response, and reporting efforts of hate crimes in Seattle. SPD has a dedicated Bias Crimes Coordinator who conducts criminal investigations, creates detailed reports, participates in community outreach, and serves as a resource for SPD staff and the public. Hate crime data are available online in an interactive dashboard. Efforts such as these represent leading practices. However, we identified five areas in which the City could improve its hate crime efforts: 1. Changes in SPD reporting procedures would help ensure hate crimes are more appropriately recorded and investigated. Between 2012 and 2016, an annual average of 17,000 SPD general offense reports were given the bias category "unknown." This may have resulted in SPD under-counting hate crimes. In addition, we found four bias categories (age, parental status, marital status, and political ideology) were never added to SPD's records management system to accommodate the Malicious Harassment Seattle Municipal Code. In July 2017, SPD made changes to address these hate crime reporting issues. 2. SPD patrol officers would benefit from regular formal training and improved guidance on hate crimes. Although police officers in the State of Washington receive some hate crime training at the Basic Law Enforcement Academy, SPD does not provide any hate crime training to its officers as a refresher or to build on the Academy training. Training is crucial for police officers to accurately identify a hate crime and respond appropriately. 3. More sophisticated use of data could inform hate crime prevention efforts. Although SPD has used some data to focus its community outreach efforts, there are opportunities to apply more sophisticated data analysis to direct the City's hate crime prevention and response activities, such as analyzing community characteristics, incidents, victims, offenders, locations, and times. 4. Increased coordination among City departments would improve hate crime prevention and response efforts. The City of Seattle has three departments that can receive reports of hate crimes or noncriminal hate incidents: SPD, SOCR, and SPU. Improved coordination among these departments through the regular sharing of data and information could result in a more consistent and unified response for Seattle's residents and visitors. 5. Regional coordination of hate crime response efforts will promote efficiency and improved response efforts. Although many states around the country provide statewide information on hate crimes and convene multi-agency groups, we found that hate crime response and prevention efforts in Washington are typically handled within the boundaries of a city or county. Regional coordination could provide efficiency in training among law enforcement, and improved prevention efforts by the sharing of successful anti-hate strategies. Details: Seattle: Seattle Office of City Auditor, 2017. 54p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 19, 2018 at: https://www.seattle.gov/Documents/Departments/CityAuditor/auditreports/Hate%20Crime%20Final%20092017v2.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.seattle.gov/Documents/Departments/CityAuditor/auditreports/Hate%20Crime%20Final%20092017v2.pdf Shelf Number: 148883 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesHate Crimes |
Author: Schweppe, Jennifer Title: Lifecycle of a Hate Crime: Comparative Report Summary: The following work presents, in detail, the final report which analyses the findings of in-depth primary and secondary research conducted over two years tracing the Lifecycle of a Hate Crime in selected EU jurisdictions. The research was undertaken in five jurisdictions within the EU - the Czech Republic, England and Wales, Ireland, Latvia, and Sweden in which contrasting approaches to addressing hate crime are evident. This year marks the tenth anniversary of the adoption by the EU Council of the Framework Decision on Combating Certain Forms and Expressions of Racism and Xenophobia (2008/913/JHA). Article 4 of the Framework Decision provides that for offenses other than incitement to violence or hatred, "Member States shall take the necessary measures to ensure that racist and xenophobic motivation is considered an aggravating circumstance, or, alternatively that such motivation may be taken into consideration by the courts in the determination of the penalties". In some of the jurisdictions examined, the national legislative framework underpinning hate crime may be considered robust. In others, laws are more limited. Less clear is the practical application of these laws, of how and in what manner crimes with a hate or bias element come to be prosecuted, and whether and why they may be overlooked or downgraded to generic offenses. To provide greater understanding of the operational realities of the treatment of hate crime in the criminal justice process researchers gathered experiential accounts of these laws "in action" from criminal justice professionals including lawyers and judges. Research teams also sought to investigate and document both victims' and offenders' experiences of the criminal justice system in respect to hate crime. In doing so, the research aims to provide a more holistic understanding of the "lifecycle" of a hate crime, from reporting to prosecution to sentencing, in order to identify gaps and good practices in the application of laws. The findings set out here shed new light on measures to combat hate crime for a wide range of stakeholders, including police, policy makers, lawyers, judges, victim support services, and civil society organizations working with victims and offenders. This report presents a comparative analysis of the findings from the research in each of the five jurisdictions as set out in the jurisdictional reports for the Czech Republic, England and Wales, Ireland, Latvia and Sweden. In jurisdictions where this was deemed appropriate, reports were accompanied by the production of practical information for judges and prosecutors to guide and inform them on matters which should be considered in the prosecution and punishment of hate crime. Details: Dublin: ICCL, 2018. 164p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 2, 2018 at: https://www.iccl.ie/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/Life-Cycle-of-a-Hate-Crime-Comparative-Report-FINAL.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Europe URL: https://www.iccl.ie/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/Life-Cycle-of-a-Hate-Crime-Comparative-Report-FINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 149976 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesCriminal ProsecutionDiscriminationHate CrimePrejudice |
Author: Granstrom, Gorel Title: Lifecycle of a Hate Crime. Country Report for Sweden Summary: Measures against crimes motivated by bias have been defined as a priority issue in Sweden since the mid-1990s. The Swedish Government has stated that these crimes are seen as a violation of human rights and, as such, important to combat. "Effective measures against racism and hate crime contribute towards the objective of ensuring full respect for Sweden's international human rights obligations. Combating racism and similar forms of hostility prevents the risk of individual's rights being infringed." For legal actors in the Swedish judicial system, prioritising hate crime concerns increasing the number of prosecutions and convictions and also furthering measures aimed at improving the way in which victims of hate crime are treated when they come into contact with the judicial system. This has for example been discussed in the context of supervisory reports regarding both the work of the police and the work of the prosecutors. As an example, it can be mentioned that in October 2017 an annual increase of SEK 10 million (approximately 1 million EUR) was announced in the budget of the Police Authority to be directed to the special democracy and hate crimes units within the three largest cities in Sweden. This extra funding is intended to provide the means for strengthening the capacity of the units to investigate hate crimes, by providing them with more opportunity for education and training, and also for improving coordination of the work among them. The aim of this study is to investigate the application of criminal laws and sentencing provisions regarding bias-motivated crimes in Sweden. Our goal is to identify best practices with regard to the tools used to combat bias-motivated crimes by studying legal regulations and policy documents and comparing these with the experiences of the legal actors (judges, prosecutors and defense lawyers) of how this legal framework is applied in practice. This is a study that contrasts law in books with law in action, in that, by interviewing those working with hate crime legislation, we have attempted to discover what works and where there is room for improvement. In line with this, we also interviewed victims of bias-motivated crimes and offenders who have committed such crimes. The overall aim is to investigate both how these groups have been met by the judicial system and their opinions of these meetings. Details: Umea, Sweden: Umea University, 2017. 71p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 2, 2018 at: https://www.iccl.ie/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/Life-Cycle-of-a-Hate-Crime-Country-Report-for-Sweden-English.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Sweden URL: https://www.iccl.ie/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/Life-Cycle-of-a-Hate-Crime-Country-Report-for-Sweden-English.pdf Shelf Number: 150026 Keywords: Bias-Motivated Crimes Criminal Prosecution DiscriminationHate Crime Prejudice |
Author: Haynes, Amanda Title: Lifecycle of a Hate Crime: Country Report for Ireland Summary: This research is the Irish report of a five jurisdiction study which seeks to understand the Lifecycle of a Hate Crime as it navigates through the criminal justice process. The other partners to the research are the Czech Republic, Latvia, Sweden, and England and Wales. The project adopted the definition of a hate crime as promulgated by the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), that is: "... criminal acts committed with a bias motive. It is this motive that makes hate crimes different from other crimes. A hate crime is not one particular offence. It could be an act of intimidation, threats, property damage, assault, murder or any other criminal offence. The term "hate crime" or "bias crime", therefore, describes a type of crime, rather than a specific offence within a penal code. A person may commit a hate crime in a country where there is no specific criminal sanction on account of bias or prejudice. The term describes a concept, rather than a legal definition." The purpose of this research was to understand and explore the Lifecycle of a Hate Crime in the Irish criminal justice process. The objectives of the research across all five jurisdictions were to: - Detail the operational realities of hate crime legislation by gathering experiential accounts of the legislation 'in action' from legal professionals; - Document differences in both victims' and offenders' experiences of the criminal justice process according to the legislative and policy context; and - Identify shortfalls in the legislative responses to Article 4 of the Frame- work Decision on Racism and Xenophobia. To this end, the research partners were tasked with conducting a doctrinal analysis of hate crime legislation in each jurisdiction; exploring policies pertaining to policing and prosecutorial functions in relation to hate crime; conducting a secondary analysis of statistics on the recording, prosecution and sentencing of hate crime; and conducting interviews with victims, previous offenders, judges, prosecutors, and defense practitioners. The research sought to illuminate the period between 2011 and 2016. Details: Dublin: ICCL, 2017. 216p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 7, 2018 at: https://www.iccl.ie/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/Hate-Crime-Report-LR-WEB.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Ireland URL: https://www.iccl.ie/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/Hate-Crime-Report-LR-WEB.pdf Shelf Number: 150086 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesCriminal ProsecutionDiscriminationHate CrimePrejudice |
Author: Kamenska, Anhelita Title: Lifecycle of a Hate Crime. Country Report for Latvia Summary: Recent years have seen positive, but at the same time insufficient developments in combatting and preventing hate crimes in Latvia. Changes have predominantly taken place in the legislation, largely as a result of Latvia's international obligations. In Latvia, much attention is paid to the incitement of hatred issues, particularly on the Internet, which have also been impacted by different foreign and domestic political events, such as the conflict in Eastern Ukraine, migration, etc. while public information about hate crimes is rare. The 2014 Criminal Law amendments which envisage criminal liability for incitement to social hatred on grounds of gender, age, disability and other characteristics, should be generally viewed positively as they expand the protection of vulnerable groups against hate crimes and hate speech. Although the list of protected characteristics is open, nevertheless, the legislator by explicitly naming a characteristic or a specific group sends a signal that manifestations of hatred against the group are unacceptable in Latvia. Despite the surveys in Latvia and wider European Union, which indicate high levels of homophobia in Latvia, there was insufficient political commitment by the parliament to include sexual orientation among protected characteristics. While racist motive was made aggravating circumstance already in 2006, and "national, ethnic and religious motive" was added in 2014, allegedly to bring the Latvian legislation in line with Article 4 of Framework Decision 2008/913/JH on combatting certain forms and expression of racism and xenophobia by means of criminal law, this provision has never been applied in practice. Thus, the transposition can be considered as formal as some of the leading criminal law experts have not been able to provide sufficient clarification for its application. Training of police officers to identify and investigate hate crimes has increased. The signing of an agreement between the OSCE/ODIHR and the State Police in Latvia in December 2014, trainings organized in co-operation with the State Police College and NGOs, as well as the guidelines on hate crime identification and investigation issued by the State Police in August 2018, are welcome developments. However, the training of the representatives of law enforcement bodies and judicial bodies is irregular and not systematic. Official data about hate crimes and incitement to hatred cases are limited, the number of opened criminal proceedings during the year remain small. Unofficial statistics compiled by NGOs, such as the Latvian Centre for Human Rights and the Association of LGBT and their friends "Mozaīka" indicate a higher number of crimes motivated by race, xenophobia and homophobia than those that come to the attention of national authorities. There remains very serious concern about the unwillingness of hate crime victims to report hate crimes to the law enforcement authorities. Although the legislation provides for a significant range of victims' rights which have also been expanded through the adoption of the EU's Victims' Rights, support to victims in practice remains inadequate. Latvia has no special support programmes for hate crime victims and overall, the country falls behind in general victim support structures and programmes compared with most EU Member States. For the first time, in 2015 the Latvian government granted state funding for social rehabilitation services to adult victims of all crimes. The financial support by the government and selected municipalities to different civil society projects aimed at promoting tolerance and combatting hate crimes and hate speech has increased, nevertheless it remains small. This hinders NGOs from planning long-term and sustainable projects. In recent years there have also been several research projects about different aspects of hate crimes and hate speech. Both the research conducted by the Ombudsman's Office in 2016 and the research conducted by the Latvian Centre for Human Rights in 2017 within the framework of the current project (30 police officers, prosecutors, judges and defense counsels were interviewed) address a range of topical issues related to the identification, investigation, prosecution and trial of hate crime and incitement to hatred cases. These include a need for government strategy to tackle hate crimes and hate speech, need for regular training, including multi-disciplinary training of the law enforcement and judicial sector, measures that would encourage and increase hate crime reporting by the victims. They also analyse gaps in the implementation of criminal law provisions, issues related to the selection of external experts and criteria for external expert opinions (an issue that has been unresolved for over a decade) in incitement to hatred cases and call for information campaigns to promote tolerance. Many of the issues addressed by the research are not new, however, their resolution will not be successful without the commitment of relevant national authorities, sustained government support and adequate understanding that hate speech and hate crimes can strike at the very fundamentals of the Latvian society. Details: Riga, Latvia: Latvian Centre for Human Rights, 2017. 65p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 7, 2018 at: http://cilvektiesibas.org.lv/media/attachments/01/03/2018/ENG_brosura_internetam.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Latvia URL: http://cilvektiesibas.org.lv/media/attachments/01/03/2018/ENG_brosura_internetam.pdf Shelf Number: 150087 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesCriminal ProsecutionDiscriminationHate CrimePrejudice |